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Ethnic Issues in Estonia

Records of human habitation in Estonian areas date back 10,000 years. By 500 AD, a distinct Estonian people speaking their own Finno-Ugric dialect, Estonian, had been established. Members of Indo-European (Baltic, Germanic, Slavic) nations have lived continuously in Estonia's border areas and towns. Estonians have, however, always constituted the majority by a wide margin.

The basic source of interethnic tension in recent years is the very rapid change in Estonia's ethnic make-up during the post - World War II period. The following table reflects these changes:

*estimated figures from the Statistical Office of Estonia

These figures reveal profound changes. The number of Estonians in Estonia decreased by 17.5 per cent (war casualties, deportees to Russia, and refugees to the West ), while 2,334 sq. km. of Estonian lands were pencilled off as Russian territory. As mass migration from Russian and other countries of the Soviet Union led to an increase in overall population, the percentage of Estonians shrank to almost 60 percent in 1989.

Estonia is now a multiethnic country. The society one sees today is a legacy of the Soviet "migration pump" policy. The 1989 census recorded 121 different nationalities in Estonia. The top 36 are listed in the table below:

(* Not indicated where basic national territory lay outside the former Soviet Union)

The remaining 85 nationalities totalled 1,172 persons. Forty-eight of the groups are represented by less than 10 individuals each.

Most non-Estonians settled in Estonia as a result of Soviet colonisation policy. Thus, these settlers were recruited by Moscow to work primarily in construction, oil shale and power industries. From 1945-50, over 240,000 people immigrated from other Soviet republics. Between 1961-70 a second wave of 95,000 immigrants arrived in Estonia.

The influx of foreigners strained Estonian society. By 1989 almost 600,000 foreigners had settled here on a relatively permanent basis, but over the preceding 45 years, in fact, 1,4 millions of mostly Russian speaking people passed through the country (not including Soviet military personnel). Such a dense flow of people has had an erosive effect on Estonian society and has contributed to domestic tensions.

These demographic changes were accompanied by significant alterations in the economy (notably the concentration of non-Estonians in industrial towns), in the cultural and linguistic environment, and in everyday life. Preference was given to non-Estonians in state owned housing. Estonians were forced to speak Russian with doctors, police officers, service personnel, etc. According to the latest census (1989) more than half a million foreign settlers (85%) had no knowledge at all of the Estonian language.

This policy of ethnic assimilation applied to all non-Russians, including those who immigrated to Estonia during the post-war years. Dislocated and discouraged from learning about the indigenous culture, they melted into the Russian-speaking population. Their children were sent to Russian-language schools. Their work was conducted in Russian. Their only permitted news source was Moscow. The result was a hastened russification of non-Russians living in Estonia. The russification of Udmurts, Komis, Tatars, Kalmuks and other more or less unrelated nationalities propagated the All-Soviet way of life. The 1989 census registered 127,547 members of non-Russian ethnic minorities in Estonia, of which 66,641 or 52.2 % gave Russian as their mother tongue.

This situation started to change following the "singing revolution" in the summer of 1988, when the empire showed signs of cracking and all-pervasive sovietisation came to an end. During Estonia's struggle for independence, a surprising number of ethnic cultural societies were formed. Then, the Estonian Union of Nationalities was established. Its basic aim was the protection of the social, economic, political, and cultural interests and rights of nationalities and ethnic groups living in Estonia.

It soon became clear what an oversimplified picture Soviet statisticians had painted. Under the name of "Russians," well over one hundred different nationalities were represented. Their members could now legally form societies, study groups and associations, but discovered that they also needed to find out something about the language, history, and culture of their country of residence. Many, who had thought of Estonia as just another Russian oblast (region), had to reorient themselves; for many the time had come to rediscover or restore their own national identity.

By 1992 there were no fewer than 65 ethnic clubs, societies and branch organisations across the country. The new-found cultural vitality greatly encouraged various member groups of Estonia's "Russian community" to emerge as distinct nationalities with characteristic features. At the same time, the new ethnic organisations provided contact between the expatriate communities and their respective homelands.

The restoration in October 1993 of the Law on Cultural Autonomy for ethnic minorities, which was in force between 1925 and 1940, has had an important effect. As a result, cultural self-government, independent of central authorities, may be established by those minorities who were entitled to the right under the 1925 Law and those whose membership exceeds 3000. By 1995 more than 60 different associations had been registered. The Estonian Union of Nationalities is the umbrella organisation for over 30 cultural societies representing 21 ethnic minorities.

According to the Cultural Autonomy Law, minorities have the legal right to preserve their ethnic identity, national culture and mother tongue. In order to promote mutual understanding and dialogue among different groups, representatives of ethnic minorities were invited in July 1993 to join a permanent round-table consultative body under the aegis of the President of the Republic. Nationalities Union representatives also take an active role in the work of the Institute of Human Rights.

Since 1990, cultural societies have received financial support from the Government (for 1995, 1.2 million EEK.) In addition, they are supported by local authorities. Estonian Radio and Television have various Russian-language programs, and Estonian Radio also broadcasts in Armenian, Yiddish, Finnish, Ukrainian, Belorussian and other languages. Numerous local Russian-language newspapers are published in several cities, and countless publications from Russia itself are of course freely distributed, including those openly hostile to Estonia. However, the activities initiated by the ethnic groups themselves are the most important for maintaining their cultural identity.

The Russian Cultural Centre operates in the spacious building of the former Soviet Army officers Club in Tallinn. Most other cultural societies are housed in the Estonian Nationalities Club in Tallinn. National culture and social activities are given first priority by the societies. There are hobby groups and orchestras (Tatars, Romanians, Ingermanlanders, Swedes); handicraft circles and cultural clubs (Ingermanlanders, Jews, Poles); the Ingermanland Society's choirs "Kiuru" and "Maarja"; the Slavic Cultural and Charity Society's revived tradition of Russian song and dance festivals. Native-language education is now possible at the Swedish Secondary School at Pürksi, the Jewish Secondary School in Tallinn as well as in the numerous Sunday Schools. The Noarootsi Swedish and Russian Private Grammar Schools in Tallinn are being re-established. Language study groups and children's summer camps are held by several small ethnic groups. Some groups are planning to establish kindergartens and cultural centres.

Newsletters and cultural publications have been launched, including the Ingermanlanders' "Inkeri", the Swedes' "Ronor", the Jews' "Hashachar", the Azeris' "Ocag" and the Hungarians' "Kapscolat." In addition, the Russians and the Jews have established their own respective publishing houses. The latter operates under the Jewish Cultural Society and provides Estonian translations of Jewish literature. Estonia's Swedish community has its own museum in Haapsalu. A "Russian Archive in Estonia", the work of a single man, Mr. A. Dormidontov, has now been opened to the public. Also, a Russian Humanitarian Centre operates at the Narva Town Museum.

Community life among ethnic minorities is linked more closely to religion than before. The Vormsi and Noarootsi Church was restored by the Estonian-Swedish Cultural Society, as were Tallinn's Mihkli Church (by the Swedish-Mihkli Parish) and the Jewish Synagogue (by the Jewish Cultural Society). The Russian Ecumenical Cultural centre has renovated the Kuremäe Monastery. In 1989 the Estonian Islamic congregation was registered, and in 1994 the Armenian Church was provided with suitable rooms in Tallinn. One of the latest newcomers is the Ukranian Catholic Church. The number of Greek Orthodox believers among the ethnic minorities is evidenced by the building, in 1991, of a Greek Orthodox church in Tallinn.

The organised cultural and ethnic activities witnessed so far raise hopes that the ethnic groups who choose to remain here will harmoniously integrate into a multicultural element in Estonia.

The Law on Cultural Autonomy does not guarantee a rapid solution to all problems. The Russians, Estonia's largest minority, have so far underexploited the rights afforded by this law to ensure the quality of their native-language schools, theatres, etc. There are 126 Russian-language government-financed schools (one out of every three schools) in Estonia. All government-run secondary and higher education institutions will gradually introduce Estonian as the principal language of instruction. This is aimed to help integrate non-Estonians into Estonian society. Studies conducted by the Institute of International and Social Studies show most ethnic minorities are well adapted to the standard of living in Estonia, but have not integrated into the Estonian culture because they have not learned the Estonian language.

When predicting the future role of ethnic minorities in Estonian society, one must consider demographic shifts and changes in attitude among various national groups. In the referendum on independence, held on March 3, 1991, the non-Estonian population was divided between those who wanted to remain part of the Soviet Union and those who wanted independence. In 1992, estimates put the number of active-duty and retired army personnel (plus dependants) at 90,000 - 100,000 people. Of the remainder of Estonia's foreign residents, 234,000 (39%) were born here, and 86 percent of these people never moved from their place of birth.

August 31, 1994 was the official date for withdrawal of the last Soviet-era military from Estonian soil. The departure of these active soldiers and their dependants is, for whatever reason, not reflected on statistical surveys, nor are there any reliable data on retired army personnel, who were not covered by the withdrawal agreement.

The last few years have seen an increase in the percentage of Estonians in the population (from 61.5 in 1989 to 63.9 in 1994). This is due to emigration and the relatively sharp fall in the birth rate among non-Estonians. The percentage of Estonian births has risen from 58.6 in 1986 to 66.0 in 1990 and 73.3 in 1993.

The continuous development of Estonia's sovereignty has moved people towards a decision on whether to link their fate to Estonia or emigrate. "Estonian Reality '92," a study conducted by EKE Ariko and the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law in April 1992 found 42 % of the foreign residents were interested in leaving, with 8,2 % ready to leave immediately. The actual number of emigrants in 1992 was 33,827 people or 5.7 %. In 1993, fewer were in favour of leaving: 12 % would, but 2.5 % did. Two surveys carried out in 1993 by two different polling organisations - Saar & Poll in June, and Emor in October - confirmed this trend: 80 % of the foreigners questioned in June wanted to stay; by October the figure had risen to 87 % for men and 97 % for women. From 1990 to 1994, almost 70,000 people emigrated. Although a certain number of people will emigrate in the future, most people now living in Estonia will probably remain.

On the question of citizenship, according to the "Estonian Reality '92" survey, 37.7 % Russians, 28.9 % Ukrainians, 40 % Belorussians and 55.9 % other nationalities expressed an interest in becoming Estonian citizens (comprising 320,000 people). From 1992 to May 1995, more than 184,000 persons obtained Estonian citizenship, 48,500 through naturalisation. Considering Estonia's very liberal citizenship requirements (5 years minimum residence, elementary knowledge of Estonian and Estonian history, loyalty to the Republic of Estonia ), this is not a high number.

In the 1992 survey, Russian citizenship was claimed by 43 % of the Russians, 28 % of the Belorussians, 23 % of the Ukrainians and 36 % of the other nationalities questioned. Between 1992 - August 1995, more than 75,000 persons chose Russian citizenship. Until the year 2000 Russia will confer citizenship on the basis of a simplified procedure. This has caused concern among Estonians, who fear that the Russian citizens residing in Estonia will be used for Russia's political ends.

Accusations of discrimination and human rights abuse against Russians in Estonia are common in the Russian press. However, sociologists from Moscow's own "Centre of Sociological Research for Studying the Situation of Compatriots" reported that in December 1994, 83 % of those questioned denied the existence of ethnic discrimination in Estonia. Nearly 60 % were in favour of Estonia's remaining an independent country, and 80 % did not think the former empire would be restored. Thirty-five percent of the respondents had already obtained Estonian citizenship and 58 % had started application procedures, while only 2 % wished to leave Estonia and 4 % wanted Russian citizenship.

The transition period among Estonia's nationalities is far from over. In the future the largest ethnic groups may develop or preserve their own cultural identity. Smaller groups might also succeed, especially if they are supported by their home country or by the Estonian groups (e.g. the Estonian-Sami society). Some nationalities who do not have their own cultural representation might get support and aid from umbrella organisations; the Finno-Ugric peoples, for instance, from the Fenno-Ugria Foundation.

The vital role played by the foreign communities in Estonia's re-democratisation process was seen in the parliamentary elections of March 5, 1995, where almost one-fifth of the names entered on the candidate lists were citizens of non-Estonian origin. In the end, six candidates on the Russian parties' electoral union list were elected to parliament, thereby securing the Russian community's political participation on the highest legislative level. In addition, some other representatives of ethnic minorities were elected on the lists of major Estonian political parties. Further strengthening of minority rights came with the adoption of the new Language Act (1 April 1995), under which local administrative business in towns and rural districts with a non-Estonian minority may also, in addition to Estonian, be conducted in the language of that majority. This might in practise mean Russian in Vaivara, Narva or Sillamäe, and possibly Swedish in Pürksi.

Estonians are willing to support the aspirations of other peoples, because they know well from their own historical experience what it means to live without freedom or recognition. Sociological studies commissioned by the Ethnic Minorities' Round Table in 1993 concluded that the Estonians' attitude towards non-Estonians is neither aggressive nor vengeful. Foreigners who choose to stay permanently in the country are accepted, provided they learn the Estonian language and are loyal to the country. Although some non-citizens may find it difficult to get used to their changed status from that of a powerful representative of a colonial empire to being a member of an ethnic minority in a foreign country, attitudes will change in time. The Republic of Estonia will try to solve problems concerning citizenship, minority policies or human rights peacefully, legally and in a humane manner.

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This fact sheet was published by the Estonian Institute in October, 1995 and is intended to be used for reference purposes. It may be freely used in preparing articles, speeches, broadcasts, etc. No acknowledgement is necessary.